The phrase Black July evokes memories of a grim event in Sri Lanka’s history, yet many in the new generation remain unaware of the deeper causes and motivations that led to this tragedy. Although the war is well-known, less is understood about the underlying grievances that sparked it. While many historical factors contributed to these events, this article aims to provide insights into the most immediate causes behind the July riots, drawing on accounts from several scholarly sources.
“The 1982 Development Council election took place in this context. During this election in the North, the disappearance of ballot boxes in Jaffna caused major unrest. This incident further intensified the disillusionment with democratic elections among the people in the North, pushing Tamil activists further towards violent actions. Skilled military officers were dispatched to the North to suppress the violence within three to six months, but their efforts were unsuccessful. Attempts to intimidate the Northern population during the Development Council election period also failed.”
“The situation became even more intense when the historic library in Jaffna was set on fire. It was evident that this act was carried out by United National Party thugs. The Jaffna library housed an irreplaceable collection of rare books. Amidst this suppression of the Northern population through military force, J.R. Jayewardene contested and won the 1982 Presidential election. Following this, he suggested folding the electoral map and extended the Parliamentary term through a referendum. These actions by Jayewardene contributed to growing resentment in both the North and the South.”
“In an attempt to resolve the escalating discontent in the North and South, President Jayewardene decided to convene an all-party conference, scheduled for July 20, 1983. Only the United National Party and the political wing of the Ceylon Workers’ Union participated in this meeting.”
From The National Issue: From Ethnic State to Global State (ජාතික ගැටලුව: ගෝත්රික රාජ්යයේ සිට ගෝලීය රාජ්යය දක්වා), pages 291-292, by Janadasa Peiris
“In the backdrop of such tension arose one of the greatest tragedies that changed the course of Sri Lankan history. This occurred on the night of July 23, 1983, when 13 soldiers were killed in Jaffna. News of this incident quickly spread among Sinhala nationalists in Colombo, and extremist elements within the Jayewardene government decided to exploit the situation. Concurrently, a mutinous atmosphere was brewing among the troops stationed in Jaffna. They prepared to unleash violence on the Tamil people, looting and destroying their property. At that time, Lieutenant General Tissa Weeratunga, the Army Commander, had already arrived at the Gurunagar Army Camp from Colombo by July 24.
“Meanwhile, arrangements were made for a public funeral for the 13 fallen soldiers at the Borella Cemetery in Colombo. This public funeral laid the groundwork for a disaster unprecedented in our country’s history. The leaders failed to recognize the severe unrest this public display could incite. Had the bodies been returned directly to the families, the risk of unrest might have been minimized. However, what occurred instead was the handing over of law and order to mobs and thugs.”
From The National Issue: From Ethnic State to Global State (ජාතික ගැටලුව: ගෝත්රික රාජ්යයේ සිට ගෝලීය රාජ්යය දක්වා), pages 293-294, by Janadasa Peiris
“Those involved in the violent acts in Kelaniya were identified as gangs led by the then Minister of Industries, Cyril Mathew. The gangs responsible for widespread destruction in Colombo, particularly in Wellawatte, where over a thousand homes were destroyed, were reportedly led by the General Secretary of the National Workers’ Union, which was affiliated with the ruling party. In Dehiwala and Mount Lavinia, the gangs were coordinated by a UNP municipal councillor, while in Pettah, the destruction of 442 shops and other killings were directed by Aloysius Mudalali’s son, a close associate of the Prime Minister. Known thugs, who regularly served UNP leaders, government ministers, and the party headquarters, were involved, with some members even dressed in official uniforms of soldiers and police officers. Government and public transportation vehicles were also used for these attacks, among other instances of evidence. Due to the apparent support of the government, it was challenging for witnesses to protest or take action against these murders. However, after the initial shock wore off, Sinhalese and Burgher residents began organizing to resist the gangs attempting to set fires and murder in their neighborhoods.
“We spoke to individuals who had witnessed these killings—acts where Tamil people were either beaten to death, burned alive, or otherwise violently murdered in the streets or vehicles. Police made no attempt to intervene. One of the incidents, in which a group burned 20 passengers alive in a small bus, was recounted by a tourist from Norway. Another notorious act was the killing of 35 prisoners—either awaiting trial or arbitrarily detained by the military—at Welikada Prison. All were Sri Lankan Tamils. We believe that, without the government’s knowledge and assurance from high levels of the National Security Council, such organized massacres would not have been possible.
“This massacre, while not on the same scale, continued unchecked in the areas around Colombo for another three days despite the imposition of a curfew. On Tuesday, July 26, some gangs were taken to Kandy, where similar destructive acts occurred. The violence then spread to other areas like Matale, Nawalapitiya, Badulla, and Nuwara Eliya, with Hindu temples also being destroyed. On the 27th, another massacre of Tamil political detainees claimed the lives of 18 more individuals. In a public statement on Thursday evening, J.R. Jayewardene defended these actions against the Tamils as justified, without a single word of compassion. This provocative statement, alongside other actions, fueled further arson and killings on Friday.”
From Broken Palmyra, by Rajan Hoole, Dayapala Thiranagama, K. Sritharan, Rajini Thiranagama (originally excerpted and translated from ශ්රී ලංකාව: මහා ඝාතනය හා ඉන් පසු (Sri Lanka: The Holocaust and After), by L. Piyadasa)
